politics and vowing to defeat Labor, Bibi had seized on Oslo I to accuse Rabin
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politics and vowing to defeat Labor, Bibi had seized on Oslo I to accuse Rabin
of “surrendering” to Arafat, and by extension to Hamas terrorism.
I couldn’t sleep the night before the cabinet meeting. I had no desire to be
disloyal to Yitzhak. I certainly didn’t want to add to the pressures on him, much
less add further impetus to Bibi’s rhetorical onslaughts. But the more I thought
of it, the less I could see the point of entering politics if I wasn’t going to vote
with my conscience. The cabinet meeting lasted for hours. It was near the end
that I spoke, calmly and in detail, about my reservations. Many of the ministers
seemed barely to be listening. They’d long since made up their minds. But when
I’d finished, two ministers passed me notes. Both said the same thing: Ehud,
don’t do anything crazy. Don’t vote against it. So I didn’t. But I couldn’t vote
for it either. I abstained.
Rabin was bitterly upset. He didn’t tell me directly. But when the meeting
broke up, his longtime political aide, Eitan Haber, took me aside to tell me how
that what I’d done was “terrible”. Giora Einy came to see me the next day, after
Rabin had phoned him in a mix of anger and disbelief. “What is this,” he’d
asked Giora. “The first big vote, and Barak abstains?” It wasn’t until a few
weeks later that Rabin and I spoke alone, over a beer in his office. He didn’t
raise the question of the vote. So I did. “Yitzhak, I understand it’s caused you
pain,” I said. “But I think you understand I was acting out of what is genuinely
my belief and my position.” I asked him why, unlike the other ministers, he
hadn’t passed me a note before we’d cast our votes. “Ehud,” he said, “I never
write requests or orders on how to vote. Ministers must vote according to their
conscience.” He didn’t mean what I’d done was right. He meant my conscience
should have told me, given the importance of the issue, to vote yes.
The tension between us did ease somewhat in the weeks ahead. But the
tension around us escalated after the cabinet vote. Opinion polls showed the
country split down the middle. Settlement leaders and extremist rabbis launched
a campaign against the legitimacy of the government, and of Rabin as Prime
Minister. Right-wing religious leaders issued a decree rejecting the planned
redeployments on the West Bank — “the evacuation of bases and their transfer to
the Gentiles” — as biblically prohibited. A new group called Zu Aritzenu
organized a campaign of civil disobedience to try to bring the government
down.
The sheer venom hit home during a pair of events I attended with Rabin, to
award of the status of “city” to towns which had crossed the required threshold
in population and economic activity. By tradition, this was marked by a
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