compromises that we might have to contemplate during peace negotiations were
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compromises that we might have to contemplate during peace negotiations were
still anathema to many other Israelis.
Syria was always my first negotiating priority, as it had been for Rabin and, for
a brief period, Bibi as well. This was not just because the shape of a final
agreement with the Syrians was clearer, to both sides, than with the Palestinians. It
was because I was determined to make good on the main specific policy pledge of
my campaign: to bring our troops home from Lebanon. No matter what the
increasingly emboldened fighters of Hizbollah said publicly, our withdrawal would
be bad news for them. It would deprive them of their “‘anti-occupation” rationale
for firing Katyushas into towns and settlements in northern Israel, and free us
politically to strike back hard if that proved necessary. It was clear to me that
Hizbollah would try to make the withdrawal as difficult for us as possible. But the
real power in Lebanon rested with the Syrians, who, along with Iran, were
Hizbollah’s main backers. If we could get a peace agreement with Assad, there
seemed every reason to hope he would rein in Hizbollah, and perhaps open the way
to a peace treaty with Lebanon as well.
Still, there was no way of hiding an additional attraction in getting a deal with
Syria first: it would increase our negotiating leverage with the Palestinians. That
would certainly not be lost on Yasir Arafat — one reason that I realized the
importance of an early meeting with him, to convey my commitment to keeping
the Oslo process alive, and, if possible, achieving a full and final Israeli-Palestinian
peace.
I went to see Arafat a few days after taking office. We met for well over an
hour at Erez, the main crossing point into Gaza. It was swelteringly hot inside. At
least I was in an ordinary business suit, but I couldn’t help wondering how Arafat
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